Articles

The article is focused on a problem of the role of European prisoners of war interned in the concentration camps of Turkestan during the First World War, in the events of the Civil war in Central Asia. The problem considered in the article has not yet been researched in historiography. Both the materials of Soviet documents and the memoirs of participants in those events in English, French and German were used as sources. The problem of the place of prisoners of war in the recent history of Central Asia was considered both in the context of the regional events of the civil war and in the international context. The sources published in the collections, as well as documents from the archives of the Russian State Archive of War and Peace. The main type of sources in the process of writing the article were the memoirs of foreign prisoners of war, as well as eyewitnesses to the events of those days. In this case, the corpus of narrative sources allowed in the process of disclosing the problem to fill a number of gaps associated with the formality and informative paucity of documentary sources.

The article considers the milestones of evolution of the Department of Near and Middle East History since its establishment within the Faculty of History of Lomonosov Moscow State University and up to the collapse of the USSR. The research is based on the analysis of scientific and pedagogical activities of prominent Soviet professors and scientists who worked at the department and considerably influenced the development of Russian Oriental Studies within the walls of the Moscow University. During the existence of the Soviet state the teaching staff of the Department worked actively and effectively on creation of new quality curricula and training programs for oriental studies, development of innovative lecture courses and corresponding textbooks taking into account the latest trends and tendencies in teaching. This helped to provide the Soviet generation of students with a sufficiently complete understanding of the historical development and current state of the socioeconomic and cultural life of the countries and regions under study. The scientific life of the Department during the Soviet period was characterized by a gradual shift in the focus of research interests of its staff from topics describing the national liberation struggle of the peoples of the Near and Middle East against colonial oppression, the history of the labor movement, the activities of communist parties and trade union organizations, towards the issues of civilizational development of the East, the ways of development of the nations in the context of the bipolar world, etc. The most significant polemical subjects were reflected in the capital scientific works of the Department, which over time acquired a more diverse and analytically profound character.

This article is an attempt to re-construct the political biography of Iyās Ibn Ḳabīṣa, one of the chieftains of the Arabic tribe of Ṭayyiʾ, who was at the service of the Sasanids in the late 6th and the early 7th centuries. In the mid-6th century Banū Ṭayyiʾ were included into the sphere of influence of the Lakhmids, the rulers of al-Ḥīra and vassals of the Sasanids. Iyās quickly made his way up and in 578/9 was the interim governor of al-Ḥīra while the Sasanid king was busy selecting a new Lakhmid ruler. Later on, Iyās was involved in war against Byzantium at the north-western borders of the Sasanid empire. An important episode of Iyās’ career took place in 591 when Iyās and his fellow tribesmen assisted Sasanid king Chosroes II (591–628) in fleeing from the rebellious general Warahrān Chūbīn. Apparently as a reward Chosroes appointed Iyās his governor of ʿAyn al-Tamr. Iyās, formally inferior to the Lakhmid king in rank, behaved rather independently and even could threaten the latter with an armed clash. Following the dismissal of al-Nuʿmān III, the last Lakhmid king (579–601), Chosroes appointed Iyās governor of al-Ḥīra (602). Iyās was able to consolidate his power, but in the same year lost the battle of dhū Ḳār. Fearing punishment, he misinformed Chosroes about the outcome of the battle and fled. Chosroes dismissed Iyās and discontinued the practice of appointing Arab rulers of al-Ḥīra.

The article explores the role of Sanjay Gandhi (1946–1980) in socio-political and cultural life of contemporary India and traces the roots of his “personality cult” in the society. Though over forty years have passed since his death, the controversy surrounding his figure does not subside even today. In India a number of public facilities boast Sanjay Gandhi’s name and his controversial persona often becomes the subject of populist rhetoric of political parties, news reports, as well as the prototype of characters in fiction. Sanjay Gandhi entered the Indian politics in the notoriously famous mid-1970-s marked with the declaration of national Emergency. In order to gain more political influence, he started strengthening the Indian Youth Congress — the youth wing of the Indian National Congress party. Simultaneously Sanjay Gandhi gathered a clique of his personal advisers, some of whom were important politicians from different states of the country. They were the ones who implemented into life Sanjay Gandhi’s socio-political programs including the family planning and city-beautification projects etc. But nowadays, too, the name of Sanjay Gandhi evokes mixed feelings in the Indian society. Different political parties, including the Congress, continue to blame him for the excesses of the Emergency. This article is an attempt to study the phenomenon of Sanjay Gandhi’s “personality cult” through tracing its history, identifying the factors of its formation, and giving some examples pertaining to the “cult”.

The article consists of two blocks: in the first block, based on the analysis of original documents, the evolution of the formation of an alliance under the auspices of the United States between Israel and the Arab countries that acceded to the Declaration on the Accords of Abraham is considered. The second block contains an assessment of the positive and unfavorable consequences that may manifest themselves in the Middle East in connection with the formation of new political realities. The authors consider that “normalization” plan’s main goal is the weakening of the role of Russia and China while maintaining US influence in the region. The United States failed to draw its Middle Eastern allies into the anti-Russian front: the Arab monarchies, Egypt and Israel ignored Washington’s insistent calls to impose sanctions against Russia. A consensus has formed among US Middle Eastern partners that does not imply active US involvement in regional politics. This consensus is clearly manifested in passive support for Russia and increased business ties with China. According to authors, given the continued potential for conflict in relations between the Arab world and Israel, on the one hand, and Iran, on the other, Russia could play the role of a mediator, using the accumulated baggage of positive cooperation with these countries. We believe, it seems important to use in the region both the capabilities and experience of Russian diplomacy and the domestic foreign economic potential. The consolidated recommendations presented in the article are based on Russian foreign policy interests.

In October 2014, mass protests began in Ouagadougou, triggered by the constitutional reform in Burkina Faso, which suggests the possibility of extending the term of the incumbent President Blaise Compaoré in power and his nomination in the 2015 elections. The parliamentary meeting to consider the constitutional amendments was scheduled for October 30, and on the same day the representative of the protest movement Emil Pargi Par announced that “a Black spring is announced in Burkina Faso, similar to the Arab spring”. The references to the events of the Arab spring by the Burkinan protesters are not accidental – the Arab protests of 2011 really played a big role in the dynamics of socio-political instability around the world, acting as a kind of trigger for a global destabilization wave. In this regard, it seems relevant to study the forms and methods of the influence of the events of the Arab spring on the Black spring in Burkina Faso.

Hawdha Ibn ‘Alī al-Ḥanafī, chieftain of the Arabic tribe of Banū Ḥanīfa, is a notorious person in the history of Arabia of the late 6th and the early 7th cent. This article is an attempt to re-construct his political biography. It can be traced fr om the late 6th century when Hawdha, probably pursuant to an agreement with the Lakhmids, protected Sasanid caravans as they travelled through Yemama wh ere Banū Ḥanīfa dwelt. An important turning point took place when one of those caravans was captured and plundered by Arabs from the Banū Tamīm tribal confederation. Hawdha gave shelter to the caravan men and the guards and then took them to Ctesiphon. Sasanid king Chosroes II (591–628) bestowed Hawdha with a crown and a brocade garment. This probably means that Hawdha was appointed a local king, vassal of the Sasanids. Later on, Hawdha acted on behalf of the Sasanids. He was involved in the massacre of the Banū Tamīm at al-Mushaḳḳar (end of the 6th or beginning of the 7th century) and then provided Chosroes II with information on the affairs in Arabia and protected Sasanid caravans. After the dethronement of Chosroes II in February 628 Hawdha began to establish ties with Byzantium, yet that was interrupted by his death in 629 or 630.

The article centres upon the second period of life of Johann Gericke, the pioneer of Dutch Javanology. His works influenced a lot on development of this branch of Dutch Oriental studies. He was not the only specialist in this area, but it was he who laid the foundation stone of it. By force of circumstances (which are observed in this article) he became the key figure conditioning its progress. From the point of view of his authorities at the Netherlands Bible Society he should have concentrated mainly on finishing the Javanese translation of the New Testament. But Gericke himself thought it more to the point first to complete two tasks. The first task, a literary one, was to prepare the publication of Sěrat Wiwaha Jarwa (1778), a modern Javanese version of Arjuna Wiwaha (c. 1030 AD), a literary classic paving the way for studying the Javanese literary classics. The second task, a linguistic one, was to finish compiling the Great Javanese-Dutch Dictionary. These goals met resulted in shaping of the corpus of academic Javanology.

This work examines the Islamic political movements in Algeria from its independence in 1962 to the end of the Civil War (1992–1999). The author argues that the examined period is divided into two parts: before and after the legalization of multiparty system in 1989. The author highlights the characteristics of existing organizations representing political Islam: structure, strategy for achieving their goals, and relationship with the state. Special attention is paid to the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), as the first mass Islamic organization that had a deep impact on the future of religion in Algeria’s political life. The comparison of two stages is made as the conclusion: both common features and differences are presented.

The article is dedicated to the foreign policy approaches and principles that were characteristic of Islamist organisations of Pakistan at the end of the XXth century (this, second part of the article, covers the 1988–1999 period). It has been ascertained that the partnership between Islamist forces and the Pakistani leaders, established by both sides in domestic politics, led to a specific perception of foreign policy by Pakistani Islamists, who were pursuing the most compelling topics while at the same time staying in line with the general course set by the Pakistani government. The most significant among these topics are apparently setting Pakistan against India and calling for Pan-Islamic solidarity, of which Pakistan was deemed to be a stronghold. The aforementioned views often intertwined, which is obvious from Pakistani Islamists’ attitude towards the Afghan conflict, their support for Muslim separatism in Kashmir and their contacts with Indian counterparts. The main principle that Pakistani Islamists have been following while developing their approaches towards global politics is formulating foreign policy priorities according to inner policy needs.

The present article is focused on the historical role of the Idrisi Sharifs — the most ancient and numerous clan of the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, who founded the first Moroccan state in the VIIIth century. After the collapse of the Idrisids the descendants of the Idrisi rulers had to live in the backstage for centuries and didn’t play any significant role in socio-political life of the Islamic Far West. However the rule of the Marini dynasty (1269–1465) became a turning-point for the Idrisi Sharifs: the Marini Sharifian policy based at the promotion of Sharifism led to the resurgence of the Sharifian cult. Since that moment the Idrisi Sharifs gained a privileged position in society and became an essential part of urban and rural elites in Morocco. Since the XVIth century Morocco saw the raise of the Sharifian dynasties — the Saadians (1511–1659) and later the Alawis (1631–present time). These dynasties took legitimacy from their noble descent from the Prophet (sharaf). The most ancient and powerful Sharifian lineages obviously had to adapt themselves in this new situation. The aim of this paper is to explore the character of the relations between the Idrisi Sharifs and the first Alawi monarchs. Basing on the Moroccan chronicles and hagiographic works the author analyses the dynamics of interaction between the Idrisi families and the Alawi sultans at the moment when they came to power and during the first century of their rule. The analysis shows that the Alawi monarchs realised the supreme position of the Idrisi Sharifs and didn’t seek to undermine their influence. Instead of this, the rulers developed a well-balanced policy towards the Idrisis which allowed them to turn the most powerful and popular Sharifian groups into the allies of the throne.

The article examines foreign policy settings that Islamist parties of Pakistan developed during the last three decades of the XXth century. The rise of Islamist forces around the world and the enhancement of their role within the global community, that began at that time, are still going on, in some form or other. In order to better understand this process one will find it beneficial to study the case of Pakistan – the state where Islamists fairly early began to express interest in global politics, having to face rather practical problems in this respect. Pakistani Islamists’ perception of foreign policy was formed at the crosscurrents of two factors under the influence of subjective circumstances, stemming from the specifics of Pakistan as a state. The first factor is the niche occupied by Islamists in Pakistan’s inner politics; the second one is the role ascribed to religion in the development of inter-state connections between Islamabad and the rest of the world. Having determined the contents of these factors as well as their combined influence on the foreign policy perception by Pakistani Islamists, we come to the conclusion that, due to the interdependence between Pakistani authorities and Islamist organisations, the latter focused their attention on the discourses that were in line with official state policy.

The article concerns formula structure of contemporary Japanese fantasy literature. Research’s relevance is determined by the development of Japanese fantasy literature in 2010s that followed after a rapid rise in popularity of web-novels, which herald the change in the paradigm of contemporary literature. Specifically, Japanese reincarnation fantasy contributed vastly to the common fantasy discourse, taking it by storm. Quantitative analysis of novels’ summaries aided by text-mining tools accommodates for outlining main structural characteristics of the Japanese fantasy conventional system. For the research purposes by application of continuous sampling method a body of 390 novels has been selected pertaining to general relevance and relevance to Japanese fantasy. Text-mining algorithm of BigData processing AI by User Local, inc. has been used. Article contains context-based classification of 39 thematic groups divided into 15 categories, representing 3 layers. In conclusion, quantitative analysis of summaries of 2010s Japanese fantasy coupled with content-analysis has produced a set of key words and a thematic classification. Thematic systematisation reveals a model of formula structure of Japanese fantasy. Research results forward a model of self-recreating ability of the literary formula, operating under a single framework that defines standards and boundaries of Japanese fantasy as an original literary formula. To top it off, formula structure discourse characteristics of contemporary Japanese fantasy found in a context of collocations allow for a possible survey of target audience.

The author investigates such an important aspect of Sufi role in sociopolitical life of Iran and Central Asia under Timur (Tamerlane) as conflicts. She also attempts to analyze some noticeable incidents involving famous Sufi mentors of the 14th–15th centuries. The author considers the above-mentioned conflicts in a context of power struggle in Iran and Transoxiana that preceded the reign of Tamerlane and focuses on the interior Sufi competition between the local shaykhs for influence. A thorough study of resolution methods adopted by Tamerlane demonstrates the transformation of his priorities due to various factors — from political to personal, considering the position of the close Sufi circle.

The epics of the Turkic peoples have an ancient history. All Turkic dastans, including the very early ones, tell about the people’s struggle for justice, the revival of the motherland, love, spirituality. The people composing the epic had a belief in justice, which can be seen in the victorious ending in all the works. And naturally, the hero, who was the winner in the folk epic, was presented in the form of a strong, courageous and unshakable. For his invincibility, the hero of the Turkic epics always needed supernatural powers. To increase the interest of the unusual, indestructible and courageous hero of the Turkic epics, the creators add unusual information about the birth of the hero. And for this reason, the motive of a miraculous birth is widespread in Turkic dastans. For this reason, starting from the day of the creation of the first Turkish epics, we can say that in all dastans the hero is born in a miraculous way. But over time, the form of such a birth changes. For example, if we compare in the early dastans about the magical birth of Ari Kaan and Oguz Kagan, there are some differences between the birth of heroes in later dastans. If in early dastans we observe the magical birth of a hero in the mother’s womb from a ray of light, a drop of water, one breath, a tree, a skull powder, then in relatively later heroes are born from Gods, demigods who descended from heaven, and you can also observe an unusual birth girls-beloved heroes. In the Middle Ages, during the significant influence of Sufism on the epic, the motive of the miraculous birth of the hero from an ordinary earthling is observed. Although the problem of the poetic hero, his typology in folklore has repeatedly been the object of research, the miraculous birth of the hero and his forms did not stand out as an independent subject of study. In this article, for the first time, they tried to determine the forms of the miraculous birth of the hero, as well as give variants of such a process. In this study, the heroic dastans “Ari Kaan”, “Oguz Kagan”, “Aldai Buuchu”, “Oruzmek”, “Manas”, “Alpamysh”, “Dede Korkud”, “Korogly”, “Tulum Khoja” belonged to these peoples; as well as in the dastans about love “Asli and Kerem”, “Gul Masum”, “Leyli and Majnun”, “Latif Shah”, “Gurbani” both heroic and love motives were analyzed and reunited with the motives of a miraculous birth.